Anti-Imperialist Activities Between 1900 and 1904
The re-election of President McKinley in 1900, instead of weakening the activities of the anti-imperialists, made the faithful few all the more determined to conduct a stronger and more unified effort in the ensuing political campaign. The attitude of a great many of them may well be expressed in Mark Twain's postscript, "Give her the glass; it may from error free her when she shall see herself as others see her," to a supposed salutation speech of the nineteenth to the twentieth century, as follows:
"I bring to you the stately matron called CHRISTENDOM -- returning bedraggled, besmirched and dishonored from pirate raids in Kiaochow, Manchuria, South Africa and the Philippines; with her soul full of meanness, her pocket full of boodle and her mouth full of pious hypocrisies. Give her soap and towel, but hide the looking glass." (1)
At its annual meeting, held on November 24, 1900, the New England Anti-Imperialist League passed a resolution protesting against maintaining the sovereignty of the United States in the Philippines because, as it claimed, it was contrary to the principles of American liberty to hold subject territories, and demanding immediate recognition of the sovereignty of the Filipinos in the Archipelago. It appealed to the conscience of America to mete out immediate justice to those wronged and suffering people, and declared that henceforth the object of the Anti-Imperialist League was "the immediate liberation of the Filipinos from our tyranny, immediate restoration of the Filipino Republic, and immediate reparation, so far as is possible, for our national crime against them"; and lastly, the League favored the "immediate formation of a national party, pledged to defend the republic against the empire." (2)
On March 30, 1901, a meeting of the anti-imperialists was held at Boston, Mass., the main tenor of which may best be expressed in their catchword, "Free America, Free Cuba, Free Philippines." Ex-Governor Boutwell said of the purpose of the meeting, "We are here to plead the cause of America. We are not pleading the cause of Cuba, or of Puerto Rico, or of the Philippine Islands, except as our success in redeeming America will secure justice for them." Hence, "our duty and our course of action are not changed by the seizure of Aguinaldo,"(3) and the anti-imperialists have met again to protest against "the policy of empire of America," (4) against its having under absolute control 10,000,000 alien souls. (5)
Mr. Gluyas Mercer (6) pleaded that American principles be not compromised and declared that although there was strength in America and the Filipinos would eventually yield, the question of the day was not one of mere brutal strength. "We have the soldiers and the ships and the guns and the money," he said. "We have the giant's strength and may use it like a giant. We can kill and torture and devastate, and then announce that the war is over. We can hold territory by force of arms and call it peace. That may all happen and yet the final victory may be with the Filipinos.... To his contemporaries there never was a greater failure than that of the Nazarene on the cross."
Mr. Sixto Lopez, the secretary of the Filipino envoy to the government of the United States before the outbreak of the Philippine-American War, was among the speakers of the Boston Meeting of March 30, 1901. After he had told the Filipino side of the story and declared that as long as the Filipinos had the strength to oppose alien rule they would do it, he concluded: "I do not ask you to take my word for it, or the opinion of Judge Taft or General MacArthur. You have only to ask yourselves, would you be satisfied with any government, however good, provided by a foreign master? You know that you would be prepared to suffer the same pain and horror that the Filipinos are now suffering, in order to keep your star-spangled banner in the heavens. The Filipinos resemble you in that one sentiment at least. As long as they retain their manhood and their self-respect they will never submit to a master, however good or benevolently inclined he may be." (7)
Colonel Charles R. Codman, (8) who presided over the meeting said of the Anti-Imperialist League: "One of our objects in meeting here tonight is to give information to anxious inquirers. We will continue the work of our League, we will spread the information we have over the country wherever it is asked for, and sometimes where it is not asked for." (9)
On May 1 of the same year, the secretary of the New England Anti-Imperialist League issued a leaflet saying that the anti-imperialist leagues of America would do all within their power to make imperialism the issue of the congressional elections of the following year and inviting the cooperation of all those who believed that "the United States should neither acquire nor hold any territory that may not be governed by American methods." This manifesto came out on July 4, 1901, and was signed by the American Anti-Imperialist League which may be remembered as the central organization at Chicago, by the New England Anti-Imperialist League, by the Anti-Imperialist League of New York, by The American League of Philadelphia, by the Washington Anti-Imperialist League, as well as by forty-three individuals. (10)
Mr. Edwin Burritt Smith, at a speech delivered at the Second National and Social Conference at Detroit, Michigan, June 29, 1901, argued that the United States as a democratic country could not remain so if it continued to hold the Filipinos as a dependent people, for, like Daniel Webster, he believed that, "Arbitrary governments may have territories and distant possessions because arbitrary governments may rule them by different laws and different systems," but that the United States, by reason of her history and form of government, could not do such things, and that its territories must be wholly American constitutionally or politically and must be either states of the Union or none at all. The Filipinos, according to him, were of a different race and were generally conceded to be inferior in civilization, and could not be American citizens, with the duties and privileges of citizenship, without endangering American progress. Therefore, there was only one alternative and that was to allow the Filipinos to shape a government of their choice and adopted to their particular needs. (11)
In his annual report in 1901, Mr. Erving Winslow emphasized that so far the literature which the League had put out was primarily related to the fortunes and character of the United States and dealt with the insular possessions only incidentally, and with only such facts concerning the insular possessions as illustrated the principles for which the organization stood. He reviewed that in November 1900, a general conference was held in New York and it was decided to leave to each of the leagues the task of continuing its propaganda work independently; that the New England Anti-Imperialists League resolved "to do all that is in its power to affect the complexion of the next Congress" in the hope that the colonial policy of the United States might be reversed; that by that time, the New England Anti-Imperialist League had circulated over 1,200,000 documents, and the leagues throughout the country a total of over 3,000,000. In addition, a few public meetings were held under the auspices of the anti-imperialist League, and a petition was sent to President Roosevelt, "to intervene to prevent the issuing of the proposed edict by the authorities in the Philippines, making peaceable native organizations treasonable and their promoters punishable as traitors." To this communication the President promptly and courteously replied, promising to call the attention of the Secretary of War to the matter. This pleased the anti-imperialists who considered it a "hopeful augury."(12) The incident is illustrative of the close watch they kept on everything occurring in the Philippines and of their efforts to soften American rule therein.
Typical of such efforts of the league during the latter part of the year 1901 was a unanimously passed resolution ordering its Executive Committee "to use its best efforts in promoting a petition to the President of the United States that General Aguinaldo should be permitted to come to this country under safe conduct, to state the case of his people before the American Congress and nation."(13) This was subsequently amended to include Apolinario Mabini, the keenest-minded and perhaps the most irreconcilable to American rule among Aguinaldo's associates. This action is significant as showing the desire of the anti-imperialists to have the foremost of representative Filipinos heard in America to state the Filipino side of the Philippine-American relation. This petition was ignored by the Administration. Mr. Moorfield Storey attributed the greatest opposition to the coming of Filipinos to be heard in the United States to Senator Henry Cabot Lodge,(14) who was regarded by the anti-imperialists as one of the most powerful proponents of imperialism in all its forms.
The anti-imperialists were indefatigable in their agitation, however, and were ready to cooperate with any organization which could help promote the interests of their cause. On January 8, 1902, Mr. George Sewell Boutwell was invited to speak at the Boston Central Labor Union with the result that a public meeting was subsequently held under the auspices of the Educational Committee of that organization at Faneuil Hall, on January 22, 1902. The stand which the Labor Union had on imperialism was stated in Mr. George G. Cutting's letter of invitation reading, in part: "The course of events, since the Spanish-American War, has raised problems which profoundly affect the interest of industrial and agricultural labor. The extension of the sovereignty of the United States over remote and alien peoples has a very practical bearing upon the well-being of American citizens, and threatens to imperil the means of livelihood of the great army of workers, while it involves a departure from the principles of the Declaration of Independence and the abnegation of the political principle that governments derive their just powers from the consent of the governed." (15)
George E. McNeill summarized the meaning of the Philippines to the United States in this fashion:
Cheap labor means war. Dear labor means peace.
Wealth is not so rapidly gained by killing Filipinos as by making shoes.
Every Filipino killed means one consumer less.
We favor a high protective tariff in human blood, and free trade in liberty.
The Philippine Islands are 9,000 miles distant from our coast, but we are only 125 years from the Declaration of Independence.
We think the Star-Spangled Banner is the flag of liberty, and that it should proclaim liberty wherever it floats.
The germs of the cheap labor pestilence travel faster than the germs of smallpox, and are vastly more dangerous to humanity.
Self-government produces men fit for self-government, but a government over a people will end in the overthrow of the government by the people, or reduce the people to a condition of vassalage.
If we withhold the right of self-government from any people we invite the withholding of self-government to ourselves.
It is more honorable to get out of a bad scrape than to continue in it. (16)
The principal speaker of the meeting, Mr. Boutwell, declared that President McKinley's policy was designed to enlarge the jurisdiction of the United States in the tropics and to maintain that jurisdiction for an indefinite period, and he predicted, "that not much time can elapse before a policy of entire freedom of trade will be established between our insular possessions and the states of the Union." (17) This, Mr. Boutwell said, would be detrimental to American sugar and tobacco producers, to American hemp culture, to the growing of tropical fruits in the country, because of the difference between the wages in the United States and those in the colonies. Therefore, he argued, colonization was against the interests of American labor. Furthermore, he said, the prospect of war meant burdensome taxation for those at home and enforced military service for the country. All these considerations led to but one course of action,-- "freedom, absolute, unconditional freedom to Hawaii, Puerto Rico, Cuba, and the Philippines, thus aiding in the creation of self-governing states that will thereby and therefore be bound to us by ties of friendship such as war can never weave." (18)
On November 29, 1902, Erving Winslow reported at the meeting of the New England Anti-Imperialist League that since the establishment of the organization the executive committee, to which its entire business was confided, had not failed of a quorum at its regular fortnightly meetings, thus showing that the ardor of its promoters had not waned. During the previous year, the club circulated about 150,000 documents -- "our own publications and those bought from or given by other leagues or individuals or congressional documents in franked envelopes." These were distributed to "members, subscribers and to special persons, and also to political organizations to assist in the campaigns of anti-imperialist candidates for Congress." (19)
Perhaps it is not out of place here to repeat that in 1902 the anti-imperialists began definitely and officially to assist in the electoral campaigns of Congressional candidates. In the spring of 1902 a committee of the anti-imperialists had a meeting in New York with the chairman of the Democratic National Congressional Committee, as a result of association and friendship which came about during the congressional hearings on the Philippine question, during which hearings the Democrats in Congress invited members of the League to share in their council. Speaking of this meeting, Mr. Winslow declared: "We did not insist upon making it (imperialism) the paramount issue, but it was distinctly agreed that candidates for Congress should be pledged to those principles." On this understanding, the anti-imperialists cooperated and took an active part in the congressional elections, concerning which cooperation the report of the secretary again stated: "Of course, our alliance with any party is simply because it offers itself as the means for carrying out our principles." (20)
This active participation was not without results. Mr. Frank B. Sanborn claimed that throughout the United States, anti-imperialism as an issue was not defeated. In Massachusetts, Mr. William L. Douglas, a pronounced anti-imperialist, was elected governor, and Mr. McCall was sent to Congress. (21) In connection herewith, it is interesting to note that the Massachusetts Democratic Platform, adopted by the State Convention on October 3, 1901, declared: "The imperialistic spirit must be opposed, at home and abroad. The people of the Philippine Islands should be prepared for speedy self-government; and for early independence (22) under American protection." (23) This statement is a clear expression of the contrast between demand for immediate freedom for the Filipinos and the characteristic pronouncement of the Democratic Party for the early independence of the Islands.
During this period, ministers of the gospel, also, played a part and interested themselves in this question of "imperialism." No sooner had the Philippine question begun to arouse the attention of the American people than the churches took it up as a live American issue. As far as the writer is aware, the first organized meeting of protest sponsored by official representatives of the churches of the United States was held in Boston, May 22, 1902. The call for the gathering came in the form of a small card, undated, reading as follows:
"A call for a public meeting to consider the Philippine Situation in the light of recent revelations of the horrors (24) incidental to our government's possession of the Islands. The meeting will be held in Tremont Temple, Boston, at eight o'clock, Thursday Evening May 22. All are welcome, and especially those who desire at this time, in a generous spirit, free of passion, prejudice and partisanship, to lend their influence in favor of replacing the present methods of coercion with a truly American policy of conciliation and good will."
The meeting demanded investigation of the charges against the army in the Philippines and of its abuses of the Filipino people. It was not only promoted by churches of the different Christian sects but even with the cooperation and support of churches and congregations of the Jewish faith. (25)
The Philippine Bill of 1902, passed by Congress, created the first American Organic Law for the Islands. Many of the anti-imperialists appeared at the hearings upon this measure. They corresponded with their friends in the legislature and conducted an active lobby to influence the form of the bill. Mr. McCall offered an amendment (which was disapproved) to the bill on June 26, 1902, as section 83 thereof as follows:
"In this first organic act, creating a civil government for the Philippine Islands, it is hereby solemnly declared to be the settled purpose of the Congress to extend to the inhabitants of these islands every aid in enabling them to develop the capacity for self-government, and, when such capacity shall have been developed, we pledge the faith of the Republic to confer upon them the right of self-government after the fashion of the really free nations." (26)
Let us compare this with that of the preamble of the Jones Law, passed by a Democratic administration in 1916, as the first expression of policy by the Democrats on the Philippine question. The said preamble reads:-- "Whereas it is, as it has always been, the purpose of the people of the United States to withdraw their sovereignty over the Philippine Islands and to recognize their independence as soon as a stable government can be established therein;...." The similarity of the two, at least in thought, is apparent and points out excellently to a fact already pointed out before -- namely, that officially, the Democrats have not been as insistent on the immediate freedom of the Filipinos as was generally believed.
The amendment introduced by Representative McCall was rejected by a vote of 128 to 89. The Democratic support which it received brought to the anti-imperialists an added realization that there were undoubtedly elements in the Democratic Party willing to accept the status quo , and to remain a party in opposition merely to criticise or to purify, if possible, the colonial administration of the government.
It was also about this time when President Roosevelt publicly announced that "The United States ought to govern the Philippines ... well, if possible, but to govern them." This statement blotted out the fading hope that Roosevelt could be convinced of the soundness of the anti-imperialist position. Despite these discouragements, however, the Anti-Imperialist League continued to look forward with optimism to the next presidential elections, and still planned to continue their agitation "for the peaceful promotion of the cause of Philippine independence in the archipelago," (27) although they were not altogether indiscriminate in their methods of propaganda. (28)
During 1903 the League continued its customary activities. On January 7, the Boston Anti-Imperialist League took the opportunity to plead once more against imperialism. On the occasion of the fortieth anniversary of the Emancipation Proclamation, an anti-imperialist meeting was held at Faneuil Hall by the colored people of Boston and vicinity and the usual views were therein set forth. On the fourth of July and on other appropriate occasions, the anti-imperialists in many parts of the country again reiterated their beliefs.
The first Filipino to be formally honored by the anti-imperialists was a woman, Miss Clemencia Lopez of Batangas. Miss Lopez came to the United States in 1901 to ask for redress and to help her brother Sixto get back to the Philippines. Mr. Lopez, having been active in the propaganda for Philippine freedom, was refused admittance into the Islands until such time as he would have taken an oath of allegiance to the United States. He eventually was allowed to enter the Islands in company with Mr. Fiske Warren of Boston. Meanwhile, the League interested itself in Miss Lopez and brought her and her brother prominently into the public eye. On October 5, 1903, a farewell luncheon was tendered her at the Twentieth Century Club, Boston, at which she expressed hope for the continuance of the interest the League had in the Filipinos. The incident was an effective appeal for public sympathy for the Filipino cause. (29) Mr. Sixto Lopez and Mr. José Katigbak of Batangas were among the hundred guests.
During 1903 the League sent out documents, carried on a wide correspondence, and conducted public meetings. It cooperated in every possible way with the party in drafting the platforms and the professions of the candidates who maintained the Anti-Imperialist cause. "We have been consulted in reference to some of these platforms and have been requested to draw up anti-imperialist planks which should be satisfactory to ourselves," reported its Secretary. (30) The newest of its activities was the giving out of literature to teachers who had the Philippine question debated in their schools. The whole number of documents circulated during the year was 150,00. This represented an expense for that year of a little more than four thousand dollars ($4087.08), comparable to $7,503.35, expenses from the league's formation to the end of 1899, to $6,719.00 for the year 1900, to $2,822.34 for 1901 and to $4,249.76 for 1902. Many of the documents and materials for the Anti-Imperialist League were, however, gifts from private individuals. The expenses of the organization were only for postage, printing, clerical work, stationary, public meetings, the translation of documents, and a contribution of one hundred dollars to the Congressional campaign of Mr. John R. Thayer. (31) It is needless to say that the officers and the members of the league gave their time and efforts to the league without monetary reward. The treasurer, Mr. David Greene Haskins, in appealing for more funds in 1903 optimistically hoped for success, declaring:
"For right is right, since God is God,
And right the day shall win;
To doubt would be disloyalty,
To falter would be sin." (32) |
1. Leaflet, supplied by Albert S. Parsons of Lexington, Mass. Mark Twain's "Salutation" is dated December 31, 1900.
2. Report, Second Annual Meeting of the New England Anti-Imperialist League, 22-23.
3. Emilio Aguinaldo, the President of the Philippine Republic of a few months existence and the leader of the Filipinos in their last struggle against Spain and in their fight against America, was captured by General Funston in March, 1901.
4. Addresses at Faneuil Hall Meeting, March 30, 1901, 9.
5. The population of the Philippines at this time was actually about 7,5000,000.
6. Ibid., 36.
7. Ibid., 42.
8. Civil War veteran and a lawyer by profession, Mr. Codman had been both a member of the Massachusetts Senate and House of Representatives. Republican.
9. Addresses at a Meeting in Faneuil Hall, March 30, 1901, 6.
10. Leaflet, To the American People, July 4, 1901, Chicago.
11. Shall the United States Have Colonies? Leaflet.
12. Third Annual Report of the New England Anti-Imperialist League, 4-10.
13. Ibid., 32.
14. Fourth Annual Report of the New England Anti-Imperialist League, 31.
15. The Enslavement of American Labor, 2.
16. The Enslavement of American Labor, 4.
17. Substantially, free trade between the United States and the Philippines was established in 1913.
18. The Enslavement of American Labor, 5-22.
19. Fourth Annual Report of the New England Anti-Imperialist League, 8.
20. Ibid., 7-14.
21. Sixth Annual Report of the Anti-Imperialist League, 25-26.
22. Italics by the author.
23. Massachusetts Democratic Platform, 1901, 4.
24. Referring to Water Cure.
25. Minister's Meeting of Protest, May 22, 1902.
26. The North American Review, December, 1902, 13. Erving Winslow: "The Anti-Imperialist Faith."
27. Ibid., 813-815.
28. Minutes of the Meeting of the Executive Committee of the N. E. Anti-Imperialist League for November 26, 1902.
29. Leaflet, A Farewell Luncheon in Honor of Señorita Clemencia Lopez.
30. Fifth Annual Report of New England Anti-Imperialist League, 9.
31. Reports of the Treasurer, 1899-1903.
32. Report of the Fifth Annual Meeting of the New England Anti-Imperialist League, 17-19.
M. Patrick Cullinane, Liberty and Anti-Imperialism, July 14, 2007.